Explore Our Latest Project 2025 Updates
Project 2025 Is Here.
With Trump’s return to the presidency, Project 2025, a 920-page blueprint for authoritarianism in the U.S., spearheaded by the powerful and extreme far-right Heritage Foundation, is becoming a reality, affecting all Americans and people around the globe.
More than 100 far-right organizations support this plan for autocracy, which is proving to be the source for Trump’s anti-democratic policies, despite his repeated disavowal of Project 2025 during his campaign. Dozens of members of the new administration have direct ties to the effort.
Project 2025’s stated goal is to create an “ideal” America that would see women, LGBTQ+ people, immigrants, people of color, and others deprived of their hard-won constitutional rights and the erosion of environmental and education protections. It also advocates for a frightening centralization of power in the executive branch, something Trump is keen to achieve. Read GPAHE’s full analysis of Project 2025 and the groups behind it.
GPAHE monitors how Project 2025 is becoming a reality and reports on the ties between the project and the administration, and its impact on the American people and democracy. We track Project 2025 activities at the federal, state, and local levels, and their plans for an authoritarian and Christian Nationalist America.
This week we look at authoritarianism in action through Trump’s nomination of Brent Bozell to head up the country’s Agency for Global Media and distort America’s voice. We’ll also delve into Oklahoma’s deep dive into Christian Nationalism in the state’s Department of Education, including asking students for citizenship papers, and Donald Trump’s disastrous plans for FEMA that go beyond even what Project 2025 proposed.
Conservative Media’s New Power Player: Bozell’s USAGM Nomination Signals Broader Shifts
President Trump’s nomination of L. Brent Bozell III to lead the United States Agency for Global Media (USAGM) marks a significant shift in America’s global media strategy, interweaving conservative media criticism, institutional transformation, and the ambitious Project 2025 agenda. With a $900 million annual budget and 4,000 employees reaching 420 million weekly viewers across 63 languages, USAGM’s direction under Bozell will reshape America’s voice in the global information landscape.
Bozell’s journey to this nomination reflects broader political realignments. Once a fierce Trump critic who wrote in National Review “Trump might be the greatest charlatan of them all,” Bozell underwent a dramatic conversion by 2019. His Media Research Center (MRC), a key supporter of Project 2025, has since become a prolific source of commentary on alleged anti-Trump media bias, publishing Unmasked: Big Media’s War Against Trump, conducting studies on how many Saturday Night Live jokes were made at candidate Trump’s expense, as well as offering week-long European cruises with special guests like Hercules actor Kevin Sorbo and a bevy of MRC employees.
Bozell’s nomination comes at a crucial moment for U.S. government-funded international broadcasting. USAGM oversees Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, and other networks operating across 50 overseas bureaus. These outlets, traditionally focused on countering authoritarian propaganda with independent journalism, now face potential transformation under new leadership.
The appointment follows Trump’s controversial nomination of Kari Lake, a former news anchor turned right-wing firebrand, to lead Voice of America. Lake, who has called journalists “monsters” and promised to be their “worst nightmare,” represents a stark departure from traditional leadership at an institution meant to showcase American journalistic values globally.
The MRC’s involvement with Project 2025 adds another layer of significance. Bozell’s organization has not only supported the project but has also contributed to its media and communications strategy recommendations in a coordinated approach to reshape federal institutions.
This institutional transformation intersects with personal history through Bozell’s son, Leo Brent Bozell IV, who was among those recently pardoned by Trump for actions during the January 6th Capitol riot, including five felonies. The younger Bozell had received a 45-month sentence for what prosecutors described as a “relentless” assault, including breaking a window and chasing a police officer on the Senate floor.
The nomination also raises questions about USAGM’s editorial independence, particularly given the agency’s turbulent history during Trump’s first term.
Under Michael Pack’s leadership in 2020, the agency faced accusations of politicizing its newsrooms, with Pack rescinding the “firewall” provision that prohibited U.S. officials from interfering in editorial decisions. A federal watchdog found “a substantial likelihood of wrongdoing” during Pack’s tenure, as he waged what former officials called a “war against the Agency’s journalists,” refusing to renew visas for foreign reporters and retaliating against those whose coverage he deemed unfavorable to the Trump administration. A federal judge later ruled that Pack had violated journalists’ First Amendment rights.
Congress responded by strengthening protections for journalistic integrity, but concerns persist. Amanda Bennett, the previous USAGM chief and a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, resigned along with other Biden appointees as Trump took office. Her departure, following similar exits during Pack’s tenure, highlights the ongoing tension between political leadership and editorial independence.
As Senate confirmation hearings continue, the stakes extend beyond traditional broadcasting concerns. With USAGM now overseeing funds promoting free internet access in authoritarian states like China, Russia, and Iran, Bozell’s approach to this expanded mission could have significant negative implications for global information freedom and America’s role in promoting democratic values worldwide.
The New Education Doctrine: Oklahoma’s Roadmap for Reshaping Public Schools is Authoritarianism In Action
In a significant development for American education policy, Oklahoma’s State Board of Education has unanimously passed a controversial rule requiring schools to verify citizenship status during student enrollment. The measure, championed by State Superintendent Ryan Walters, represents the latest step in his broader campaign to reshape public education in the state.
The rule, which now heads to the Oklahoma legislature for consideration in its 2025 session, would mandate schools to collect citizenship information from both students and their parents. While undocumented children would still be permitted to attend public schools, districts would be required to report to the state Education Department the number of students whose families cannot verify citizenship or legal residency.
Walters’ approach to education policy has drawn national attention for its reckless departure from traditional practices. In 2023, he drew controversy when he declared that the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre had nothing to do with skin color, contradicting Oklahoma’s previous educational standards that had required schools since 2002 to teach the facts about the racist violence that killed as many as 300 Black residents and destroyed some 1,600 homes and businesses in an area known as Black Wall Street.
His office recently attempted to place Bibles in every classroom through Solicitation No. EV00000, which sought 55,000 Bibles with specific requirements: they needed to include both Testaments alongside the Pledge of Allegiance, Declaration of Independence, Constitution, and Bill of Rights, with leather or leather-like binding. These specifications, in a seemingly open bid process, limited options to two Trump-endorsed Bible editions. One, the God Bless the U.S.A. bible proffered by Country singer Lee Greenwood and endorsed by Donald Trump, is made in China for $3 and retails for $59.99, Oklahoma Watch reported. The other bible meeting the specifications is the We The People bible endorsed by Donald Trump, Jr., which retails for $90. The solicitation was withdrawn after its constitutionality was questioned.
Further pushing the boundaries between church and state, Walters has emerged as a vocal supporter of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School, which would be the first publicly funded religious school in the nation if approved. Despite the Oklahoma Supreme Court striking down the school’s charter in June 2023 as a violation of both state and federal constitutional bans on government-established religion, Walters has characterized opposition to the school as “state-sponsored atheism.” The case is now headed to the U.S. Supreme Court, with Walters and Governor Stitt both advocating for what they frame as a landmark religious freedom case.
The current citizenship verification rule has sparked significant protest. At a recent board meeting, high school student Thomas Suarez confronted Walters directly, calling the policy discriminatory toward Latino students. “The idea that a child wanting to pursue an education must be profiled before learning is distasteful,” Suarez stated. “It is sad that you, Mr. Walters, stand here pretending to care about the students while at the same time advocate for the blatant discrimination of Latino students like me.”
Community advocates warn that the rule would deter undocumented families from enrolling their children in public schools, despite Walters’ assertion that the information would help determine resources needed for English learner programs.
Walters argued that the citizenship check was in fact a policy designed to unite families rather than separate them — by deporting entire families together. “For years the liberal media has been vilifying Republicans for separating illegal immigrant children from their parents,” Walters said in a press statement. “Now they want us to explain why we’d let ICE agents into schools. The answer is simple: we want to ensure that deported parents are reconnected with their children and keep families together.”
The state’s Attorney General’s office has supported the measure, with spokesperson Phil Bacharach saying that state services should only be provided to legal residents. Governor Stitt’s office has also indicated support, expressing the belief that the state has a responsibility to track how taxpayer dollars are being spent.
Walters has stated his willingness to cooperate with federal immigration enforcement, including potential school raids, marking a departure from previous policies that designated schools as sensitive locations. The Education Department would share families’ immigration status with federal authorities upon request.
Alongside the citizenship verification requirement, Walters has proposed another significant rule requiring Oklahoma teachers to pass a written version of the U.S. Naturalization Test before earning or renewing their teaching certification. These measures, designed to “improve patriotism,” will be reviewed by both the House Rules Committee and the Common Education Committee during the upcoming legislative session.
The implementation of these policies could have far-reaching implications for Oklahoma’s educational system. While Walters argues these changes will enhance accountability and resource allocation, critics point to potential conflicts with federal law, including the Supreme Court’s ruling that undocumented children cannot be denied public education.
The Uncertain Future of America’s Disaster Response Agency
As the Trump administration signals plans to potentially eliminate the Federal Emergency Management Agency, a more nuanced story emerges when comparing public statements with Project 2025’s actual policy recommendations. While headlines focus on Trump’s bold declaration that “FEMA has turned out to be a disaster” and the suggestion that the agency “go away,” the conservative blueprint’s original vision called for more measured reforms rather than outright elimination.
The Project 2025 document, which serves as a conservative policy roadmap, actually proposed restructuring rather than scrapping FEMA. Its core recommendations centered on rebalancing federal-state responsibilities, addressing cost-sharing formulas, and reforming the National Flood Insurance Program. The blueprint criticized FEMA for being “overtasked” and “overcompensating” for state and local shortcomings but sought to refocus the agency rather than eliminate it.
Yet the administration’s public messaging has taken a more dramatic turn. During visits to disaster zones in North Carolina and California, Trump floated the idea of completely shuttering the agency, suggesting states should receive federal money directly to handle disasters themselves. This represents a significant departure from, and escalation of, Project 2025’s more technocratic approach of adjusting cost-sharing formulas and raising damage thresholds for federal assistance. The reforms the Heritage Foundation and its 100+ co-sponsors recommend begin on page 153 of the plan.
The gap between proposal and policy is relevant because FEMA’s role in disaster response has grown increasingly critical. The agency currently faces unprecedented challenges, including a 35 percent staffing shortage and record-breaking disaster events. Last year alone saw 27 disasters causing over $1 billion in damages each. The agency recently received a $100 billion replenishment of its disaster aid fund, highlighting both its essential role and mounting financial pressures.
Legal experts note that eliminating FEMA entirely would likely require congressional action, as the agency has been assigned specific roles and funding by Congress since its creation by executive order under President Carter. This creates a practical barrier to implementation, especially given resistance from lawmakers representing disaster-prone states.
Federal spending data shows that since 2015, states that voted for Trump in 2024 received $31 billion in FEMA assistance, compared to just $7 billion for Democratic-voting states. Florida, Texas, and Louisiana lead in receiving federal disaster aid.
Project 2025’s actual recommendations focused on specific reforms: adjusting the per capita damage indicator for inflation, implementing a deductible system to encourage state preparedness, and revising cost-sharing arrangements to 25 percent federal coverage for small disasters and 75 percent for catastrophic events. The blueprint also called for phasing out the National Flood Insurance Program in favor of private insurance and eliminating certain preparedness grants.
The problem is, the math just doesn’t work. Craig Fugate, former administrator of FEMA, highlighted the financial impossibility of states shouldering such costs. He pointed out that just removing downed trees and debris after Hurricane Michael in 2018 cost five times more than the entire annual budget of the badly-hit city of Mexico Beach, Florida. “States don’t usually have a lot of spare money floating around,” Fugate noted, “so they would have to decide whether to raise taxes or cut programs to make up the funding.”
The long-term implications of reduced federal involvement in disaster recovery are equally concerning. Anne Bink, who headed FEMA’s response and recovery operation until May 2024, stressed the increasing importance of the agency in the face of more frequent disasters. “We are facing unprecedented times, we are getting these disaster declarations every other day this year,” she said. “FEMA is needed more than ever by state and local governments because of the increased pace in disasters.”
As climate-influenced catastrophes, which Project 2025 supporters equate to theoretical events, become more frequent and costly, the gap between policy blueprint and political reality may continue to widen.
