Far-Right Hate and Extremist Groups

Colombia


This report was published in August 26th, 2025

The history of Colombia, like much of Latin America, is deeply marked by colonial conquest, systemic racism, religious intolerance and antisemitism, political violence, and authoritarianism. From the Spanish conquest in the 16th century through the modern era, Colombia has witnessed cycles of horrific racial and religious discrimination, the marginalization of ethnic minorities and Indigenous people, and occasional flirtations with fascist ideologies, particularly in conservative circles. Colombia has also suffered from nearly non-stop political conflict and violence between conservative and liberal factions vying for power, and later battles between paramilitaries and guerrilla movements, centuries of horrific political turmoil and violence that continue to roil its politics to this day.

Spanish Conquest and the Foundations of Racism

The Spanish conquest of present-day Colombia began in the early 1500s, bringing with it the imposition of European racial hierarchies, Catholic religious orthodoxy, and antisemitism. Indigenous populations were subjugated, enslaved, and decimated by violence and disease. The Spanish Crown implemented the encomienda system, which granted colonists control over Indigenous labor and land, institutionalizing a rigid racial hierarchy and economic dispossession.

With the introduction of African slaves to replace the declining Indigenous labor force, a complex caste system emerged that categorized individuals based on their racial heritage. This hierarchy, known as the casta system, placed peninsulares (Spaniards born in Spain) at the top, followed by criollos (Spaniards born in the Americas), mestizos (mixed European and Indigenous ancestry), mulattoes (mixed European and African ancestry), and at the bottom, Indigenous peoples and enslaved Africans. Cartagena was a major port for slave ships, and Colombia to this day has one of the largest Black populations in Latin America, comprising about ten percent of its people.

Religious intolerance was also institutionalized. The Spanish Inquisition, though less active in the Americas than in Europe, sought to root out heresy and non-Christian beliefs and had an office in Cartagena’s Palace of the Inquisition. Jews and other non-Catholics were tried in the building and about 800 individuals found guilty of “crimes” such as black magic were publicly executed there. Jews, who had been expelled from Spain in 1492, were prohibited from settling in the colonies. Jews who converted to Catholicism (conversos) and fled to the New World were met with suspicion and often faced persecution, particularly if they were discovered to be continuing to practice their religion in secret.

Independence and the Persistence of Racial Hierarchies

Colombia gained independence from Spain in 1810 but entrenched racial hierarchies persisted. This was the case even though Afro-Colombians played key roles in the struggle for independence from the Spanish Crown, with some historical research asserting that three of every five soldiers in independence hero Simón Bolívar’s army were Black.

Though Bolívar argued for freeing those who fought alongside him, the process of achieving abolition in Colombia was slow and drawn out due the entrenched power of the slave-holding class. After the revolution, in 1821, a law on “Free Womb, Manumission, and Abolition of the Slave trade” passed in the Cúcuta Congress, where Bolívar was declared president of the territory that was formerly the Spanish Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada and Venezuela, which included Colombia. The law asserted that children born to enslaved people would be freed by the age of 18 and banned the import of slaves.

Although this freedom for young, enslaved people should have started in 1839, the process was largely delayed by the War of the Supremes, which was fought from 1839 to 1842. In 1842, after the war and due to pressure from slave owners, a new law extended slavery for another seven years under the guise of the enslaved being assigned an “apprenticeship.” The process involved 18-year-old enslaved people being “reassigned” to their owners by local officials, supposedly for instruction in a trade or profession. Essentially, slavery continued.

A law abolishing slavery was finally passed in 1851, much later than in most former Spanish colonies, with manumission set for the following year and with slave owners receiving compensation. Slave owners, a key part of the conservative faction in Colombia, rebelled with the help of the Ecuadorian government, causing the Civil War of 1851. It lasted four months, with liberal forces winning and finally ending enslavement. While legal slavery was finally abolished in 1852, Afro-Colombians remained largely excluded from political power, education, land ownership, and economic opportunity.

The Indigenous population saw little improvement in their conditions after independence, as land dispossession and cultural assimilation policies continued. Colombia also promoted a mestizo national identity, often erasing the distinct identities and rights of Afro-Colombian and Indigenous communities. Land reform policies rarely favored Indigenous or Black communities, further entrenching their marginalization. For Indigenous groups, 19th and early 20th-century government policies often aimed at forced assimilation, eroding Indigenous languages, spiritual practices, and communal land ownership under the guise of modernization.

The Evolution of Antisemitism in Colombia

Antisemitism in Colombia has followed a different trajectory than racism, but it has nonetheless existed in significant ways throughout the country’s history. Unlike the early and systemic racism that targeted Indigenous and African populations, antisemitism in the form of conspiracies and intolerance–and the history of the Spanish expulsion–was largely imported from Spain, fostered through Catholic antisemitism that marked Spanish colonial rule.

During the colonial era, Jews were officially prohibited from settling in Spanish America following their expulsion from Spain in 1492. The Spanish Inquisition, though less active in New Granada (present-day Colombia) than in Mexico or Peru, maintained vigilance against conversos (Jews who had converted to Christianity, often under duress). So-called “crypto-Jews” — those who practiced their faith in secret — were vulnerable to prosecution, torture, and confiscation of property if discovered by Inquisition authorities. As a result, the Jewish presence during the colonial period was minimal and largely clandestine.

It wasn’t until the late 19th and early 20th centuries that Jewish communities began to take root in Colombia, primarily due to global waves of persecution and economic migration. Small numbers of Sephardic Jews from the Ottoman Empire and Ashkenazi Jews fleeing pogroms in Eastern Europe settled in cities such as Barranquilla, Bogotá, Cali, and Medellín. These communities generally focused on commerce, trade, and education, gradually integrating into Colombian society.

Jewish immigrants often faced xenophobic suspicion from both state and Church authorities. The global rise of antisemitism — influenced by European fascism, Nazi propaganda, and Catholic antisemitic doctrines — found echoes in Colombia. Some conservative and nationalist groups blamed Jews for capitalist exploitation, communist subversion, and moral corruption. Though Colombia never implemented formal antisemitic laws, discrimination was common, and Jews sometimes faced barriers to citizenship, property ownership, and full social acceptance.

Colombia maintained diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany until 1941 but ultimately sided with the Allies. The years leading up to the war saw fascist organizing. In the early 1930s a Colombian branch of the Nazi Party existed, comprising around 300 members, primarily in the city of Barranquilla. In the 1920s and 1930s, some parts of the conservative party grouping saw European fascism as a viable political option for Colombia. These factions were called “The Nationalists,” who promoted fascism as a means of struggle, and “The Leopards,” who believed in the importance of a strong regime in relation to organizing the conservative party and fighting liberal political movements, which they viewed as revolutionary.

The Leopards, clearly racist, endorsed “a vigorous policy of racial defense and formation,” and advocated for “the encouragement of immigration from assimilable races and the prohibition of that from dissimilar peoples.” The group valued moral authority, order, social hierarchy, and the spiritual unity of the nation through a Catholic worldview. They rejected liberal democracy as decadent and morally corrosive and instead advocated for a nationalist reform of the state, inspired by French and Spanish models, centered on tradition, Christian morality, and the principle of authority. To this day, the Leopards’ legacy is celebrated by Los Leopardos – Memoria Historica (The Leopards–Historical Memory). The period also saw the rise of the “Blackshirts,” a conservative youth group that wore black shirts in the manner of Italian fascists and sought to mimic Italian dictator Benito Mussolini’s fascist movement.

During WWII, Colombian authorities harshly restricted Jewish immigration, while antisemitic rhetoric persisted in right-wing circles. After the war, Jewish Holocaust survivors and refugees found limited refuge in Colombia, with immigration quotas and bureaucratic obstacles making it difficult for many to enter, even long after hostilities ended. The Jewish community was also targeted for harassment, vandalism, and limited violence, which the liberal party and press strongly condemned.

In the latter half of the 20th century and into the 21st, antisemitism has been relatively limited compared to Europe and other parts of Latin America. The Colombian Jewish community remains small but well-established, with active synagogues, schools, and cultural institutions. However, antisemitism occasionally resurfaces in political discourse or vandalism, often tied to broader global conflicts, particularly surrounding the Israeli Palestinian conflict. Far-right fringe groups have sporadically circulated antisemitic conspiracy theories and neo-Nazi groups have harassed and targeted the community. Overall, while antisemitism in Colombia has never reached the levels of violent persecution seen elsewhere, it has persisted as a form of cultural and religious prejudice imported from Europe that still animates relatively small neo-Nazi and white supremacist movements.

Fascism in the 20th Century

During the 1930s and 1940s, fascist ideologies found some resonance among segments of Colombia’s political elite and intellectuals, influenced by European movements in Italy, Germany, and Spain. Conservatives were particularly sympathetic to Mussolini and Hitler. The Colombian Nationalist Movement, founded in the 1930s, espoused fascist principles, promoting anti-communism, authoritarianism, and national Catholicism. During this period and even after WWII, tight restrictions on Jewish immigration were passed. In 1939, Chancellor Lopez de Mesa issued a circular addressed to Colombian embassies and consulates requesting “to place all possible obstacles to new visas in Jewish passports.”

Colombia’s conservative party was home to a certain level of antisemitism during this period, particularly the belief in a supposed international Judeo-Masonic conspiracy, an idea imported from Europe, that blamed Jews, Freemasons, and leftists for engaging in actions to destroy Catholicism. The belief in the existence of a Judeo-Masonic conspiracy played a prominent role in the politics of Laureano Gómez, who led the Colombian Conservative Party from 1932 to 1953.

There were politicians who denounced Jews as undesirable figures in a strongly Christian and traditionalist society. The magazine New Homeland justified antisemitism, writing that, “The anti-Semitism that has become consolidated in Colombian customs and traditions is not of an offensive or belligerent nature; This is defensive anti-Semitism.” Its columnists believed “that Colombians must defend themselves against the invasion of undesirable elements.” This thinking was inspired by Italian fascism, German National Socialism, and the Spanish Falange, often accusing Jews of being “generators and sowers of leftist and revolutionary doctrines.”

However, fascism never gained widespread political purchase in Colombia. The country’s alignment with the Allies during World War II limited the influence of fascist groups. Nonetheless, elements of fascist ideology influenced conservative sectors, particularly in their emphasis on Catholic values, anti-communism, and nationalism.

“La Violencia” 

The mid-20th century was marked by “La Violencia,” a brutal civil conflict between the Liberal and Conservative parties, which lasted from 1948 to 1958, and led to the deaths of at least 200,000 people. Hateful conspiracy theories fueled the violence, each side blaming the other for being traitors beholden to international cabals. The left were painted as participants in a global Judeo-Masonic conspiracy against Christianity, and the right were painted as agents of a Nazi-Falangist plot against democracy and progress. Anti-clerical violence from the left, and violence against peasants from the right, was widespread.

The military sided with conservatives and the National Police with liberals, and guerrilla activity and private armies developed in rural areas ostensibly to protect them from the widespread violence. The conflict was complex, involving coups, assassinations, and widespread displacements. Although primarily a political conflict, underlying social inequalities rooted in racism contributed to the violence. Afro-Colombians, Indigenous peoples, and poor mestizos often bore the brunt of the violence and repression, which was absolutely horrific. Certain murder and torture techniques became so commonplace that they were given names—for example, picar para tamal, which involved slowly cutting up a living person’s body, or bocachiquiar, where hundreds of small punctures were made until the victim slowly bled to death.

As a result of La Violencia, landowners were allowed to create private armies for their security, a practice formally legalized in 1965, evolving in subsequent decades to the rise of leftist guerrilla movements and right-wing paramilitary groups. Some paramilitary factions adopted authoritarian and ultranationalist rhetoric reminiscent of fascist ideologies. These groups often targeted minority communities, exacerbating existing racial and social inequalities.

Far-Right Hate and Extremist Groups 

While fascist ideology never gained significant institutional power in Colombia, neo-Nazi groups have sporadically emerged, especially in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, influenced by global extremist networks and domestic political unrest. These groups have generally remained marginal and fragmented but have drawn attention for their provocative activities and online propaganda. At times, neo-Nazi activity has erupted within government bodies, as in 2021 when cadets at a police academy caused outrage by dressing up as Nazis. There have also been sporadic attacks by neo-Nazis against anti-fascists and racial minorities, as recently as in February 2025.

Neo-Nazi activity in Colombia is primarily concentrated in urban centers such as Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali. Many of these groups openly adopt Nazi symbols, rhetoric, and white supremacist ideology, despite Colombia’s multiethnic reality. One notable such group that has been around for decades, Tercera Fuerza (Third Force), held a Hitler birthday celebration in 2018 in Medellín and people identifying with the group have harassed minorities in recent years. These extremists’ ideology often draws from imported far-right narratives from Europe and the United States, combining antisemitism, xenophobia, ultranationalism, and virulent anti-communism. Colombian neo-Nazis sometimes target Jewish communities, Afro-Colombians, Indigenous peoples, LGBTQ+ individuals, and immigrants — especially Venezuelan migrants who have arrived in large numbers in recent years. According to figures from the Network Without Violence (Red Sin Violencia), at least 148 LGBTQ+ people were murdered in the country in 2022.

Though small, these groups have established online presences, spreading hate speech, conspiracy theories, Holocaust denial, and incitement to violence via social media and encrypted platforms. International neo-Nazi networks have occasionally attempted to recruit or coordinate with Colombian extremists, taking advantage of the global reach of digital platforms. Colombian authorities have at times investigated these groups for their links to violent activity, though law enforcement unfortunately often considers them a marginal problem as they lack serious political or military power.

An additional complicating factor has been the convergence of neo-Nazi beliefs with some segments of Colombian paramilitaries and right-wing vigilantism. Between 1978 and 1979, a far-right paramilitary organization known as the American Anti-Communist Alliance (also AAA or Triple A) waged a terror campaign against Colombian communists, which included bombings, kidnappings, and assassinations. In rare cases, neo-Nazi imagery and rhetoric have appeared among certain far-right paramilitary factions, especially those engaged in campaigns against leftist guerrillas, blending ultranationalist, racist, and militarist themes. The cartels, too, have had racial extremists in their ranks at times. Carlos Lehder, a key figure in Pablo Escobar’s drug empire, was a Holocaust denier and vocal supporter of Hitler, his German father Wilhelm having been an active Nazi.

Despite their limited size, neo-Nazi groups have fueled concerns among human rights organizations and minority communities. Jewish organizations in Colombia, such as the Confederation of Colombian Jewish Communities (Confederación de Comunidades Judías de Colombia, CCJC), have documented incidents of antisemitic graffiti, Holocaust denial, and threats against Jewish institutions. Similarly, Afro-Colombian and Indigenous activists have reported harassment or threats from extremist groups espousing neo-Nazi or white supremacist beliefs.

Contemporary Racism and Antisemitism

In modern Colombia, racism remains a significant issue. Afro-Colombians, who constitute approximately ten percent of the population, continue to face disparities in education, employment, and political representation. Indigenous communities struggle with land rights, environmental degradation, and cultural preservation. Jewish communities, primarily centered in Bogotá, Barranquilla, and Cali, generally live peacefully, though incidents of antisemitic rhetoric or vandalism occur. Fascist ideologies are not part of mainstream politics, but far-right movements have invoked white nationalist, antisemitic, anti-LGBTQ+, and xenophobic rhetoric, particularly during periods of political polarization and debates over immigration, especially with the recent influx of Venezuelan migrants.

In recent decades, Colombia has made efforts to address historical injustices. The 1991 Constitution recognized Colombia as a multiethnic and multicultural nation, granting greater rights to Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Affirmative action programs, legal protections, and increased political representation have sought to rectify centuries of exclusion. And the peace process with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) has also emphasized the importance of addressing structural inequalities that have fueled conflict. Civil society organizations, human rights groups, and international partners continue to work toward greater social justice and inclusion. Regardless, racist propaganda continues to pop up around the country. During the 2023 mayoral elections, racist fliers and banners were distributed in Cali targeting then-candidate Daniel Rentería, a Black Colombian. The propaganda included phrases such as “In Cali, we don’t vote for Blacks,” “Chimpanzees are not made to govern,” and “Chimpanzees belong in the jungle” alongside a photo of Rentería. They were signed “KKK,” presumably a reference to the U.S.’s oldest hate group, the Ku Klux Klan. There are active neo-Nazi groups, particularly in Bogotá, who have been implicated in hate crimes.

In addition to far-right discriminatory movements, Colombia remains a violent and volatile place. June 2025 saw an attempted political assassination of a presidential candidate, and a wave of coordinated bomb and gun attacks that killed at least seven people and wounded 50. Police said those responsible launched 19 attacks across Cali – the country’s third largest city – and several nearby towns, hitting police stations, municipal buildings and civilian targets. In January, violence escalated between armed groups fighting for control of a region bordering Venezuela, leading to the displacement of more than 50,000 people. Human Rights Watch has reported that since 2016, homicides have increased by about 20 percent, kidnappings by about 35 percent, and mass forced displacements have quadrupled.

This report likely underestimates the actual number of far-right hate and extremist groups in Colombia and does not reflect the extent to which individuals may share these beliefs but are not involved in organized entities. It also does not include activities that happen purely online with no real-world presence. Generally, we do not link to hate sites and channels but have archived the material cited here and will provide it on request. Cities marked with an asterisk indicate an organization’s headquarters where it has more than one chapter. 

Colombian Far-right Hate and Extremist Groups by Ideology

Colombian Group Descriptions

Active Club Bogotá

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: White Nationalist, Neo-Nazi, Anti-LGBTQ+

Active Club Bogotá (ACB) is a neo-Nazi group that is part of an international network of white supremacist organizations that engage in physical training, practice mixed martial arts (MMA), and spread hate propaganda in anticipation of what they believe is an impending “race war.” Conceived by American neo-Nazi Robert Rundo and Russian neo-Nazi Denis Kapustin, the Active Clubs refer to themselves as “White Nationalism 3.0,” an international, decentralized movement of groups working towards the fascist ideal of becoming physically fit “ubermensch,” with a common goal of strengthening the white nationalist movement. Rundo has stated that the Active Clubs are akin to the “minutemen in the early stages of the revolutionary war,” and are bound together by a “leaderless resistance.”

The Colombian group advocates for white supremacy and opposes the rights of the LGBTQ+ community and often women, saying it is against “gender ideology,” a term far-right groups use to describe rights for these communities. ACB defends the cultural legacy of Hispanism, meaning they believe Colombians and Spaniards are directly connected, rooting Colombia in the European, and thus “white,” world.

Additionally, they seek to restore what they perceive as a “lost” masculine and nationalist identity in what they view is an era of decay. “Active Club arises as an initiative in the search for a change in our society, and even to promote change from within the nationalist environment, through sport, the cult of the body, martiality, and the spiritual war we face in this world in decline, giving full respect to all those who carry out this same mission worldwide, through action and total dedication, and of course, celebrating around this time the freedom of our founder and leader, Robert Rundo,” is how the Colombian chapter describes itself on their Telegram channel. Through rhetoric that idealizes physical strength, virility, and discipline, they promote a worldview in which men must become “war machines” and models of inspiration, both for their community and for future generations.

ACB rejects ideologies they consider progressive and “woke,” which they view as threats to racial, cultural, and moral purity. They speak of a “spiritual war,” advocating for cultural purification that includes the symbolic destruction of what they regard as heinous ideologies, such as feminism, communism, and multiculturalism. Through action, physical training, and the exaltation of virility, they aim to create a new class of “indomitable” men who will lead the reconquest of what they see as a world in decline.

In their view, the traditions inherited from their European ancestors and the cult of the body are essential for the survival and preservation of a legacy they believe they are defending. They use sport, physical strength, and propaganda as key tools to mobilize their followers. Historical references to figures like Blas de Lezo, a Spanish naval officer who defeated the British in the 1741 Battle of Cartagena de Indias (Siege of Cartagena), reinforce their heroic and nationalist narrative. On social media, ACB writes, “Be proud of your blood and the agitation that flows from your veins, make your ancestors proud and take ownership of your roots, your history, and your culture. Do not allow them to take away your legacy, the identity that reveals the magic. ‘I am available to save everything for my country, my destiny is at stake, I’ll give my life if necessary.’ Blas de Lezo.”

Following the strategies of the Active Club global network, ACB holds small-scale demonstrations and often gathers privately for training events such as sparring, hiking, or book and flag burnings. Their Telegram channel is filled with images of their get-togethers. In a post, the group writes, “we will purge and purify our culture of progressive, communist, woke culture, gender ideology, etc, books. No matter what your country or city you are in, burn a progressive book from your town, record a video wearing a balaclava or ski mask and share anonymously on social media.” In their rhetoric, they encourage their members to challenge the status quo, always striving for “excellence” and “purity” in all aspects of life while combating what they perceive as modern “decadence.”

Batallón Condor 88 (Condor Legion 88)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: White Nationalist, Neo-Nazi

Batallón Cóndor 88 is a white nationalist and neo-Nazi group. On May 27, 2025, they were present in Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar alongside Armed Forces reservists and supporters of the La Ola Libertaria (Libertarian Wave), who are inspired by far-right Argentinian President Javier Milei. Members of Batallón Cóndor 88 displayed Nazi symbols. Earlier that day, the square had hosted demonstrations by activists aligned with President Gustavo Petro’s government. However, with nightfall, the plaza became the site of a gathering of military reservists and sympathizers from various neo-Nazi groups, including Batallón Cóndor 88 and Criminal Skins.

The group adopted the name “Condor Legion” from a Nazi military unit that supported Spanish dictator Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War. The Nazi aviators, with help from Italian forces, bombed the Spanish town of Guernica in 1937. Hundreds of civilians were killed, and large parts of the town were destroyed. The use of the number “88” is a common neo-Nazi code that represents “Heil Hitler,” “h” being the eighth letter of the alphabet. Information on the group’s leadership is unavailable, and they have no identifiable social media accounts.

Bloque Nacionalista 4/11 (Nationalist Bloc 4/11)

Location:  Bogotá

Ideology: Anti-Immigrant

Bloque Nacionalista 4/11 (Nationalist Bloc 4/11) specifically targets Venezuelan immigrants who have come to Colombia in recent years to escape the turmoil in their country. It describes itself as a movement of “civil reaction” against crime, particularly offenses committed by Venezuelan migrants. The group stigmatizes all Venezuelans as inferior or crime-ridden and advocates for restricting immigrant access to rights and services. One of their slogans reads: “Venezuela out. We are sick of their filthy and disgusting presence.” Among their stated activities are physical training sessions, patrolling bike paths, mass poster campaigns, and promoting “community empowerment” in neighborhoods to combat crime. They have announced plans to launch a foundation aimed at providing legal and other support to what they call a “brave civic cause.” Aligned with their nationalist ideology, the group promotes the hashtag #ColombiaForColombians on their Facebook page.

The group’s social media is filled with disparaging remarks about Venezuelans. Posts have included: “Wake up. These venecas are killing us. Don’t give meals, handouts or clothes. Don’t rent or give work. Don’t be an accomplice to their crimes;” “No more immigration, no more prostitution, no more delinquency. Say no to the protection status;” “Veneco thief caught, Veneco thief lynched;” and “Warning Bogotá: it is essential to purge so many degenerates from our society, in defense of our children, in defense of women. In Bloque Nacionalista 4/11 we fight against insecurity and the degenerate plague that strikes with fear the defenseless population. WE WILL NOT HAVE COMPASSION WITH THE ABUSER.”

An account associated with one of the group’s members on X/Twitter responded to a public complaint made by Bogotá City Council member Heidy Sánchez, admitting that Bloque Nacionalista 4/11 was involved in sabotaging the mural “Las cuchas tienen razón” in the Chapinero district of Bogotá. “Las cuchas tienen razón” (“Moms were right”) is a slogan used by civil society organizations and human rights defenders to support the efforts of mothers and families searching for young people who disappeared in Colombia, many as victims of extrajudicial executions and other forms of violence. A significant segment of Colombia’s right and far-right continues to reject that crimes were committed by state entities and paramilitaries in the name of the war against the guerrillas. Extrajudicial executions, often referred to as “false positives,” became a systemic pattern within the Colombian Army, which presented murdered civilians as guerrilla combatants killed in action. Bloque Nacionalista 4/11 appears to also glorify demobilized paramilitary leaders and denigrate victims of state-sanctioned violence. A Twitter account associated with Bloque Nacionalista 4/11—frequently referenced via screenshots on the group’s Facebook page and claiming to be official—has published several tweets expressing admiration for Carlos Castaño, the former top paramilitary commander.

While Bloque Nacionalista 4/11 does not post antisemitic content on its official Facebook page, one of its members has made explicit hate-filled and violent statements against Jewish people. For instance, in one post, he wrote: “Long live Hitler, who would have wiped out the thieving Zionist plague and those filthy communist Iranian Arabs. Long live Hitler.”

Centro de Estudios Socipolíticos Tercera Fuerza (Third Force Center for Socio-Political Studies, CESP-TF)

Location:  Medellín*; Bogotá, Fusagasugá, Villavicencio

Ideology: Neo-Nazi, White Nationalist

Centro de Estudios Socipolíticos Tercera Fuerza (Third Force Center for Socio-Political Studies, CESP-TF) evolved out of the neo-Nazi group Tercera Fuerza (Third Force), which has been around for decades. They define themselves as a “civic, cultural, and community organization” that seeks to “preserve and restore the essence of the Colombian nationalist social spirit within the community through cultural, political, and historiographic studies and research.” The neo-Nazi group Tercera Fuerza, from which this effort evolved, is infamous for, among other things, its 2018 announcement that they would be holding an event in Medellín to commemorate Hitler’s birthday.

The group’s name references the political efforts of General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, who came to power in a 1953 coup and led an authoritarian regime in the 1950s that suspended Congress, packed the courts, censored the press, and curtailed political party activities. To bolster his rule he created a popular movement, the National Action Movement (MAN), that he later turned into a political party called “Tercera Fuerza,” which he ran on in the elections of 1970. From the 1950s to the 1970s, MAN tried to function as an alternative to the traditional Liberal and Conservative parties–in Rojas Pinilla’s eyes, MAN was a third political force in Colombian politics. Ultimately, MAN collapsed “due to opposition from communist factions, conservative hardliners, and protests driven by the oligarchy and aristocracy.”

According to an article by the group’s members published in the German neo-Nazi newspaper Deutsche Stimme, the CESP-TF is the continuation of a project that began in the 1990s in Pereira, Colombia, under the name Tercera Fuerza Skinhead. The project was suspended for various reasons, the most significant being the founders’ relocation to Spain, from where they continued to support the organization for a time. The group later moved its headquarters to Medellín and had influence in Bogotá, where it was based for several years in the 2010s. At that time, it was not a think tank but a youth group aligned with the neo-Nazi skinhead movement. Their activities focused on the neo-Nazi Rock Against Communism movement (RAC), participation in pro-family and nationalist marches, and harassment of LGBTQ+ people, left-wing activists, and others on the streets of Bogotá.

After the death of Alfredo Devia in 2014, one of the group’s leaders, the remaining members entered what they described as a phase of maturity, study, and behavior based on the National Socialist idea. This evolution led to the establishment of the CESP-TF by 2016, their return to Medellín, and the expansion to other cities including Cali, Fusagasugá, and Villavicencio. They now operate as a type of think tank, citing Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression…”) and Article 20 of the Colombian Constitution, which guarantees freedom of expression and the right to establish mass media outlets. They use these legal frameworks as a rhetorical shield to legitimize their dissemination of discriminatory, racist, and revisionist positions under the guise of academic inquiry and free speech. The group has a disclaimer on its website that reads: “The content presented here is solely informational, historical, and investigative. Its only purpose is to provide data and dates for the intellectual and spiritual enrichment of the viewer, encouraging them to draw their own conclusions.” And they use elaborate language for their bigotry. For instance, they quote philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy to argue for a deeper investigation into the concept of race, diverging from the idea of “universal equality…We must have the courage to continue the deep study of mankind, the human races, their origins, their differences, evolution, and historical significance.” Meanwhile, their website has an in memoriam item celebrating the life of French Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson.

As part of their ideological foundation, they emphasize Hispanic heritage and legacy in the formation of Colombian identity, positioning it as a cornerstone of their vision for Nationalist Socialist thought. This vision promotes the idea that Colombia’s national identity should be understood through its European—particularly Spanish—ancestry, which they claim must be preserved and revitalized as part of their broader ethno-nationalist project. Their stated goal is to develop a localized version of National Socialism, aiming to address “our national needs; demonstrating through concrete actions that, as with foundational National Socialism, our foundation must be the community, the defense of ancestral traditions from which Europe has been the mother, and all that derives from them — many of our customs and core values.” Among these values are the order of life, the laws of nature, and loyalty to the homeland.

It is unclear how this think tank is related to the more hardline Tercera Fuerza neo-Nazi group, which still appears to have adherents but is a shadow of its former self. In 2022, a member of Tercera Fuerza was accused of an attack on six people in Bogotá, at least two of whom were from the LGTBQ+ community. A video of the violence widely circulated online showed one alleged perpetrator with a shaved head and wearing black toe boots, who was identified as a member of Third Force.

Comando Radical Nacionalista (Nationalist Radical Command, CRN)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: White Nationalist, Anti-Immigrant, Anti-LGBTQ+, Anti-Indigenous

Founded in 2009, The Comando Radical Nacionalista (Nationalist Radical Command, CRN) is a neo-Nazi and white nationalist group. CRN has carried out several violent actions against Indigenous peoples, the LGBTQ+ community, and immigrants in Bogotá. The CRN promotes violence and a racist skinhead aesthetic. Their slogan is: “Young capital dweller, shave your head, tie your boots tightly, and get ready to kick skulls. Welcome to the Family!” On their now-banned website, they were neo-fascist, nationalist, anti-communist, and anti-diversity, but also against drug use, indicating a relationship to the earlier straight-edged skinhead movement that pushed sobriety as a key tenet. The website read, “Force should only be applied in defense of our national community, against perverts, criminals, and drug dealers, and of course, left-wing antifascists, when necessary.” They are believed to have connections with the Unión Nacional Socialista de Colombia (National Socialist Union of Colombia) and have been seen training with weapons together in Bogotá.

In 2021, the group gained notoriety after vandalizing the stairs at the intersection of 89th Street and Seventh Avenue in Bogotá, which had been painted with the Pride rainbow as a tribute to victims of violence against the LGBTQ+ population. They left graffiti such as “Fuera maricas” (“Out with the f**s”) and “El culo es para cagar” (“The ass is for sh****ng”). In 2022, they physically attacked a gay couple in Bogotá, giving as a reason, “Por maricas” (“For being f**s”). Additionally, the group has been linked to attacks on Indigenous communities, including vandalizing murals with their initials and racist messages. In 2021, Misak Indigenous people were staying at the Universidad Pedagógica Nacional in Bogotá. They found the walls of the university defaced with swastikas, the group’s initials, and stigmatizing phrases about Indigenous people, such as “Indígenas Cocaleros” (Coca Leaf Indigenous) and “Hotel Narcoindígena” (Narco-Indigenous Hotel). The group has also distributed xenophobic fliers and posters targeting Venezuelan migrants, associating them with rats and referencing the term “chamo” (a friendly word of greeting common among Venezuelans). They urged citizens to stop giving money to Venezuelan migrants, with the slogan “No fomente la delincuencia ni la vagancia” (“Do not promote crime or laziness”).

Coordinadora Nacionalista de Bogotá (Nationalist Coordinator of Bogotá, CNB)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: White Nationalist

The Coordinadora Nacionalista de Bogotá (Nationalist Coordinator of Bogotá, CNB) is an umbrella organization that brings together various racist groups in Bogotá. With the motto “For God, the Homeland, and Tradition,” CNB functions as a coalition of mostly small, far-right groups with a focus on “the working people of Colombia.” On its now defunct website, the group describes itself as “not a political party, a sect, or a rigid ideological current. It is a patriotic front—a space of unity among diverse forces that have come to understand that the Homeland stands above our differences.”

CNB conceives of itself as “a space of unity for those who believe that the defense of the homeland transcends ideological or personal differences.” The coalition includes several groups, including Criminal Skins, a neo-Nazi organization known, among other things, for violence against its perceived enemies in Bogotá; the Patriotic Reserves, veterans of Colombia’s Armed Forces; La Ola Libertaria (Libertarian Wave), a libertarian organization inspired by far-right Argentine President Javier Milei, made up of young people, army reservists, academics, and others; and the Hispanist and Orthodox Youth of Bogotá, who are pro-Russian, white nationalist Orthodox Christians.

Given these different agendas, the group’s founding documents make clear that, “Within this Coordinating Committee coexist Catholics, agnostics, patriots without a creed, libertarians, and traditionalists. We are united by a pact of respect, loyalty, and fire. The Coordinating Committee is not pro-Russian, nor Putinist, nor subordinated to any global power. It is nationalist. It is Colombian. It is from Bogotá. It is ours.” In the section “A Call to Patriots,” CNB writes, “To you, the student who’s tired of progressive cynicism. To you, the worker who no longer trusts corrupt unions or foreign NGOs. To you, the retired soldier who feels the Homeland slipped through your fingers. To you, the aimless youth searching for something real to fight for—Here is a cause. Here is a trench. Here is a path.”

Criminal Skins

Location: Bogotá*; Germany, México, Portugal, Russia, Spain

Ideology: Neo-Nazi

Possibly founded in 2023, the date their now defunct website went up, Criminal Skins is a neo-Nazi group based in Bogotá that claims to have chapters in Germany, Spain, Portugal, México, and Russia. On Instagram, their tag line is “Skinhead Forever 1488,” the latter being a neo-Nazi slogan referring to the racist slogan, “14 Words” (We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children) and “Heil Hitler.” One of their websites directly ties their organization to the racist skinhead movements that emerged in Britain several decades ago. Their posts attempt to project that they are a long-established organization, claiming “We didn’t come back, we never left” on a now deleted Instagram account, but there is no evidence they have existed for an extended period of time. Their main presence is in the Bogotá districts of Kennedy and Suba. As part of their ideology, they are radically opposed to the use of drugs, as expressed in their slogan: “Healthy mind, clean body.” In the Suba district, they distributed pamphlets naming people they suspected of being drug users at a local school.

Criminal Skins employs 1980s skinhead aesthetics, with shaved heads, braces and boots, and promotes RAC (Rock Against Communism) and other skinhead genres of music in its propaganda, with messages that are “direct and non-conformist, targeting the system and communism,” the latter usually referring to left-wing or antifascist activism. Their ideology is centered around the fight against communism (“100% anti-communist”), and they are strongly linked to Spain often using the slogan, “Always fascist, always Madridista” (Madridista may be a reference to a football club in Madrid). They use patriarchal images and slogans, including social media that says, “Tradition from father to son.” Based on a hypermasculinized vision of society, they post misogynistic images of retaliation against women involved in antifascist activism, writing, “Antifa girls need discipline.” They explain on their website that the group’s name is derived from thinking about crime, not as a form of violence, but as a challenge to the progressive system that destroys their identity and thus “turns” them into criminals. Therefore, they defend traditional values and teach younger generations the importance of “preserving tradition, territory, and lineage—pillars that today make us proud of our insignias.” Their goal is to turn the men who join their group into “supermen.”

Like many skinhead organizations, they have a subgroup for probationary members called “Division 320.” They describe it as a support group focused on training up new recruits. The division is responsible for tasks such as coordinating events, organizing training sessions, managing internal communication, and creating propaganda. In the division, potential Criminal Skins members earn badges that can ultimately lead to full membership in the group.

Although the group says it is “United by violence,” they claim that violence they are involved in is spontaneous, occurring only in situations where they encounter those they fight against: “We do not incite violence, it just happens.” While their website denies their violent nature, Criminal Skins have been linked to attacks on human rights defenders and antifascists, as well as the destruction of monuments for victims of police violence and the Colombian armed conflict. Nazi-related symbols have appeared on the walls of a neighborhood in Suba, while public spaces have been vandalized. Examples include damage to the commemorative plaque for the murder of Cristian David Castillo de la Ossa, a victim of police violence.

Defiende Colombia (Defend Colombia)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: White Nationalist, Anti-LGBTQ+

Defiende Colombia (Defend Colombia) is a Catholic nationalist group with a fondness for the Spanish Empire that is characterized by its anti-Indigenous and anti-LGBTQ+ beliefs. Its symbols include the language “First for Us” and “100% Identitario,” the latter referring to the anti-immigrant, white nationalist European movement Identitarianism, which seeks to expel non-European immigrants from the continent.

The group opposes women’s sexual and reproductive rights, condemns what it refers to as “gender ideology,” a term used by far-right movements to reject all forms of LGBTQ+ diversity and rights. On Twitter, the group wrote, “The left-wing uses gender ideology to pervert our children, creating weak and confused generations. Their future voters. No more gender ideology #Conmishijosnotemetas (Don’t Mess with my kids).” They also reject religious pluralism, particularly singling out Jews and Freemasons, targets of far-right Catholic antipathy for centuries. On Twitter, referring to the former socialist leader of Chile who was deposed in a coup, they wrote, “The Jew [Salvador] Allende was a danger to Chile and the region.”

They defend Catholicism and the Spanish conquest as foundational elements of their vision of Colombia’s national identity. On X/Twitter, their tag line is “Defiende Colombia, luchamos por la Patria. Nuestra causa una nación diferente, libre de comunismo y cualquier forma de izquierda asesina y derecha cobarde” (Defend Colombia, we fight for the homeland. Our cause is a different nation, free from communism and all forms of the murderous left and cowardly right). They write disparagingly of Indigenous communities. On Facebook, the group posted, “The vast majority of the indigenous people in Colombia are a disgrace, they receive billions of pesos in aid from the government and they do not progress, they do not use the money for something more intelligent than drink.”

Their ideology draws inspiration from Spanish Falangism, citing one-time Franco ally and fascist José Antonio Primo de Rivera as an example of a political figure detached from the traditional party system. They reject all political parties, defining themselves as “always anti-left and anti-right.” They are critical of capitalism, defining banks as enemies of the people: “Our only capital is our labor. No more usury or financial speculation.”

Much like Spanish Falangism, they regard Catholicism as the cornerstone of both Hispanic and Colombian identity. While they claim allegiance to Spanish heritage, they seek to reinterpret it within the Colombian demographic context. For this reason, the group refers to itself as “proudly criollo,” reflecting an adaptation of pure Spanish identity given Colombia’s diverse population. They advocate for the preservation of colonial city names and reject the erasure of Spanish symbols. One of their main emblems is the Imperial Eagle of Charles V of Spain, which they use to symbolize their vision of Hispanic patriotism. Their slogans include: “Decolonize your brain from leftist ideas and reclaim your criollo pride” and “Great is our Hispanic heritage and the blood of our ancestors.” In line with this ideology, they disparage and stigmatize Indigenous knowledge, advocacy, and rights movements.

Although the group has not been linked to criminal activity, their rhetoric is often aggressive and rooted in calls for self-defense, violent if needed, especially in reaction to left-wing movements and expressions. This includes slogans like: “Reaction, organization, and self-defense” and the right to “Legitimate Creole self-defense against terrorist attacks by leftist natives.”

Juventudes Hispanistas y Ortodoxas de Bogotá (Hispanic and Orthodox Youth of Bogotá, JHOB)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: White Nationalist

Juventudes Hispanistas y Ortodoxas de Bogotá (Hispanic and Orthodox Youth of Bogotá) is a white nationalist organization with a deep fondness for the Spanish Empire. They are part of the Nationalist Coordinator of Bogotá (Coordinadora Nacionalista de Bogotá), which includes other far-right extremist groups such as the neo-Nazi Criminal Skins.

The group is led by a young man who goes by the pseudonym “Commander Pirro Mabus III.” He runs a blog “dedicated to literary reviews and philosophical, political, and historical analysis from a Revolutionary and Western Identitarian perspective.” Identitarianism is a white nationalist European movement that advocates for the removal of non-white immigrants from the continent. They claim to be grounded in three core pillars: (i) Orthodoxy – framed as the spiritual and historical continuation of the Catholic Church; (ii) Hispanicism – which they define not as an ethnic identity but as a “spiritual and civilizational worldview,” meaning, “We respond to a deeper calling: the spiritual restoration of Colombia through the Hispanic ideal and the orthodoxy of duty;” and (iii) Social Nationalism – described in their own words as: “Now more than ever, we reaffirm our commitment to a social, Hispanic, and orthodox nationalism.”

The group openly rejects the democratic republic and aligns itself with what it calls “social nationalism,” arguing that: “The liberal democratic system has produced generations without faith, without a homeland, and without honor.” Their goal is to restore a Catholic order and revive the legacy of Hispanicism within a Colombian context. They promote a vision of the country as “strong, Catholic, orderly, just, and loyal to its past.” In opposition to Indigenous movements, they reinterpret the Spanish conquest not as a historical wrongdoing but as a legacy to be reclaimed. As they put it: “Where history is not a mistake to be corrected, but a heritage to be honored.”

They do not openly identify as neo-Nazis, but they are part of a coalition of organizations that includes at least one explicitly neo-Nazi group. Like many other far-right groups in Colombia, they make frequent—though subtle—references to Spain’s fascist period. They cite José Antonio Primo de Rivera, founder of the Spanish Falange, as a philosophical influence, highlighting the group’s ideological alignment with 20th-century fascist thought.

The group repeatedly makes assertions based on now discredited racist science and eugenics, including endorsing a discredited racist cold climate theory of “the superiority of European peoples and their descendants in America over other races: Blacks, Indians, mulattos, and zambos, with the valuable observation that the spirit of a people would always be better in a cold climate than in a warm one.” The group writes, “The Creoles and Indians who lived in the Andean region were men inclined toward good taste, reading, the arts, good manners, and the piety of Catholicism…In contrast, the Indians and Blacks from the warmer regions were more impulsive, libertine, had difficulty relating to other castes, and, furthermore, the structure of their narrow foreheads—of Mongoloid heritage—caused them learning difficulties. Meanwhile, the others, by contrast, possessed refined features, aquiline noses, broad and majestic foreheads; it was to these Andean Creoles and Indians that the empire of America should belong.” They cite Independence hero Francisco José de Caldas for their particular Colombian take on race“By Europeans, I understand not only those who were born in that part of the world, but also their children in America, who, preserving the purity of their origin, have not mixed with the other castes. These Europeans are known as Creoles.”

The group supports calls for European, meaning white, immigration to Colombia. They promote ideas of the “improvement of the Euro‑American Creole race,” a Colombian take on white nationalism. They explain their Identitarianism as, “Today, when this topic is so demonized, it needs to be revisited and confronted openly and without fear. We’re not talking about the 19th century, but fulminating in the 21st century, where still Africa, Chocó, Buenaventura, Sucumbíos, much of Central America—excluding Haiti—and impoverished Spain are victims of misery, poverty, decadence, and rot brought by the black man…[we] must attract European, Saxon, and Anglo immigrants, with the objective of gradually elevating our Euro‑American Creole race.”

La Columna (The Column)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: Anti-Indigenous, Anti-Immigrant, Anti-LGBTQ+ 

Described as neo-fascist by the Colombian press, La Columna (The Column) is a Catholic nationalist group characterized by its anti-Indigenous, anti-LGBTQ+, and anti-immigrant beliefs. Like other Colombian groups that revel in their Hispanic identity, they have a deep fondness for the Spanish Empire. The Column opposes democracy, “gender ideology,” women’s sexual and reproductive rights, and Indigenous rights. They blame civil society organizations, progressive movements, and the so-called “new global agenda” for destroying their community. On Facebook, they wrote, “AGAINST EVERYTHING: neither their leftists nor their rightists, nor their drugs, nor their delinquency program, nor their moral relativism, nor their absurd gender ideologies, nor their usurious and egalitarian doctrines will be able to stop the Hispanic American youth that is beginning to awaken.”

In addition to promoting an ultra-Catholic, anti-communist, and anti-rights agenda that targets historically marginalized groups in the country, members of the group have been seen verbally and physically harassing Indigenous people and Venezuelan migrants. Heidy Sanchez, who served on the Council of Bogotá, denounced the group in 2012, and in a study by her office, warned about fascist messages online and intimidation directed at migrant communities in Colombia.

La Columna defends Catholicism as a cornerstone of Colombian identity and Western values. The group seeks to “redeem” the legacy of Christopher Columbus and Queen Isabella of Castile, whom they refer to as the “Mother of the Americas.” They employ the hashtag #GraciasIsabelyColón (“Thank you, Isabella and Columbus”). The group is hostile to Indigenous efforts and protests those that denounce the impacts of Spanish colonization. Their slogan: “Let’s stand up to the enemies of our identity,” meaning those, largely the Indigenous, who reject the idea that colonization had positive effects.

On July 19, 2020, they carried out an act of “symbolic reparation” at the monument of Christopher Columbus and Queen Isabella in Bogotá, where they placed propaganda posters targeting Indigenous communities. In June 2021, they harassed the Misak Indigenous community protesting in Bogotá against a monument to Queen Isabella. The group were heard chanting, “Death and banishment to indigenous and Venezuelans in Colombia.” A Facebook post shows members of the group in July 2022 protesting along with this message: “Last Sunday, July 19 in the city of Bogotá, the Column held an act in reparation for the outrages committed by hordes of indigenous groups, pro-abortion, LGBTIXYZ and other Marxists against the monument of Isabel the Catholic mother of America and Admiral Christopher Columbus of whom our homeland Colombia is proud to bear her name.”

The Column’s symbol historically corresponds to “The Order of Santiago,” a Catholic religious movement that emerged in the 12th century in the Kingdom of León, Spain, named for Santiago the Greater. Its initial objective was to protect pilgrims on the Camino de Santiago (pilgrimage route in Northern Spain) and expel Muslims from the Iberian Peninsula. On Facebook, in line with rather archaic Catholic attacks in prior centuries on Freemasons, the group writes, “Freemasonry is a kind of religion with rites, dogmas and certain occult knowledge to give it a scientific veneer. In the advanced degrees it practices anti-Christian fanaticism.”

Movimiento Machista Nacional (National Machismo Movement, MMN)

Location: Yopal

Ideology: Anti-LGBTQ+, Anti-Woman

Movimiento Machista Nacional (National Machismo Movement, MMN) is a group of men who seek to reclaim male supremacy and actively undermine the rights of women and the LGBTQ+ community, employing explicitly sexist and homophobic rhetoric. The group was founded by Edilberto Barreto, a cattle rancher from Yopal, the capital of Colombia’s Casanare province. The movement emerged after Barreto, who also serves as MMN’s president, published a book titled In Rescue of Machismo. “I wrote it as a joke,” he said, “The women didn’t get it. Humor isn’t for women. Humor requires intelligence.”

Among the ideological foundations for the movement, Barreto claims that the Colombian state has been persecuting men for decades. “For over 50 years, no laws have been made for men. They legislate for women, for homosexuals, for Indigenous people, for Black people—but always at the expense of men’s privileges and rights,” he argues. He asserts that this so-called persecution comes from all sectors of society: the press, the media, the Church, and state institutions. According to him, “real men” are a persecuted minority, while feminism is a movement driven by “rage and revenge.”

Those wishing to join his political movement must meet certain criteria: “They must be completely free; have had problems with a mother-in-law or brother-in-law; have a pending child support or paternity suit; and have been unfaithful at least once.” Although Barreto insists his discourse is humorous, his statements are anything but comical.

The group seeks state protections for men that mirror the rights and benefits granted to women, which they frame as demands for “gender equity.” Barreto states: “The Colombian state protects the pregnant woman and punishes the man who got her pregnant. There are government programs for the single mother, for rural mothers, city mothers, heads of household… But for those of us who are the head of several households, there is no support. At least take care of the children we can’t afford to feed.” In typical hyperbolic language, Barreto writes, “I have suffered persecution—everything—because of my manhood. Child support claims. But here we are, with balls, with determination. Everyone is given a chance to rehabilitate: they offer it to drug addicts, to criminals, even give them psychological assistance. But for men, the only thing waiting for us is prison if we can’t feed a child.” One of their slogans is: “Here we are going to invite the best men, the most ‘testicular,’ those who have suffered persecution for exercising manhood, those who have had more than one woman on their shoulders.”

The movement regularly denigrates the LGBTQ+ community, describing diverse sexual orientations as deviations or signs of emasculation: “Because we are real men. There are many men, but not real men who still like women. Here, they even want to honor me because, thanks to me, we keep this region as the land of real men. Because now they are all homosexuals. It’s a shame. That’s perverted.” The group defends machismo as a legitimate ideology that reaffirms male dominance.

Barreto speaks about the need to reprimand and re-educate women, whom he describes in disparaging terms: “Machismo is not like the media have said. They often associate us with violence against women, and that’s not true. A woman must be reprimanded—but not only through physical force. I can reprimand one of my women with just a look, or by denying her my services as a man.” In a similar vein, he has commented, “Here are the advantages of horses over women: horses are more intelligent, more noble, more loyal. One advantage of women over horses is that they don’t defecate on the runway.” And another example, “Infidelity is a flaw in women, but in men, it’s an innate trait. An unfaithful female should be stoned, while a man with a harem is considered a real man. Man is strong and intelligent, and woman is beautiful and stupid, and therefore must obey. A woman who doesn’t comply receives her punishment. A woman who is not educated goes astray. They must be treated harshly, like livestock.”

The group’s rhetoric is infused with machismo, “They are confusing machismo with ‘guachismo’. A macho is a man who likes women—a gallant and elegant man. I give it all when it comes to seducing a woman. I’ll spend my wallet just to get the woman I like.” Similarly, “Women have become defiant and aggressive with all the resources the State spends on their so-called empowerment. This situation forces us to re-educate them. Needless to say, real men don’t use violence. Simply replacing them with a younger one, I believe, is their best punishment.” The group meets every Friday in Yopal for what they call a “machista parade,” or at the kiosk on Barreto’s ranch, where he is reportedly building a “halfway house for unfaithful husbands.”

NS Straight Edge Bogotá (NSSEB)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: Neo-Nazi

NS Straight Edge Bogotá (NSSEB) is a neo-Nazi group located in Bogotá, “NS” standing for National Socialism. “Straight Edge” is a subculture within the racist skinhead scene and adopted from hardcore punk rock that promotes abstinence from drugs, alcohol, and promiscuous sex (there are also straight edge groups not connected to race hate). NSSEB’s propaganda has been posted around the city and its flag featured on the Active Club Bogotá Telegram channel. In February 2025, NSSEB appeared to have co-hosted, given its symbol was displayed, along with Active Club Bogotá, a talk on masculinity titled “Return to Manhood.” The session addressed the dangers of pornography, which was described as a “mass castration of masculine energy.” Other key discussion points written on a whiteboard that was photographed and posted in the Active Club Telegram channel included issues such as marijuana, alcohol, tobacco, overweight, dairy, and overtraining.

Tercera Fuerza (Third Force, TF)

Location: Bogotá

Ideology: Neo-Nazi, White Nationalist, Anti-Immigrant, Anti-LGBTQ+

Tercera Fuerza (Third Force, TF) is the best known neo-Nazi organization in Colombian history, founded in the early 2000s. Today it is a shadow of its former self, with some adherents showing up at racist protests, but lacking a formal structure or any real online presence. In 2022, a member of Tercera Fuerza was accused an attack on six people in Bogotá, at least two of whom were from the LGTBQ+ community. A video of the violence widely circulated online showed one alleged perpetrator with a shaved head and wearing black toe boots, who was identified as a member of Third Force. Video posted on X shows individuals wearing TF gear protesting the LGBTQ+ community in Bogotá in October 2024.

TF was founded by Diego Cubillos and Alfredo Devia, now deceased, to revive Nazi ideology in Colombia. The group claims to be a rebirth of an earlier organization established in Pereira in 1956, during the dictatorship of General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla, whose slogan was “God and Country.” TF is specifically National Socialist, and advocates for “Identitarian nationalism,” and is inspired by Spanish Falangism. This worldview promotes the supremacy of Hispanic heritage over the country’s Indigenous and Afro-descendant citizens.

At its founding, the organization drew inspiration from and maintained close ties with Armando Valenzuela Ruiz, an antisemite who died in 2007 and authored works denying the Holocaust. TF wrote in an online post: “Don Armando is a personal friend of Tercera Fuerza and a stronghold of the National Socialist struggle. He helped shape the thinking of several of our leaders and has always nobly shared his wisdom (…) Sieg Heil! Armando Valenzuela.” Valenzuela was initially a member of Colombia’s Conservative Party, and later co-founded MORENA (National Reconstruction Movement), a political organization that served as a political arm of the paramilitary self-defense forces.

TF argues that one of the Colombian state’s greatest failures has been its lack of territorial segregation, which, in their view, has forced diverse races and cultures to coexist unnaturally — “thus depriving our peoples of the free development of their own idiosyncrasies and culture.” The group seeks to preserve Hispanic heritage, claiming direct descent from Spanish bloodlines. They advocate for Identitarian Nationalism, which they define as: “Unique and exclusive to all who share our Hispanic heritage and customs — that is, those who, by their ethnic and cultural condition, proudly consider themselves descendants of the brave sons of the Spanish Empire who colonized this land, leaving us not only names, surnames, language, and race but also a vast and rich culture we now defend.” Believing that Colombia has a “white minority,” they have advocated for the creation of a eugenics and racial conservation program to allow this population to flourish and consolidate.

What has been most concerning in the past about Tercera Fuerza was its connections with figures who played significant roles in Colombian politics during the 2000s. Evidence suggests a close relationship between Armando Valenzuela and Alejandro Ordóñez, who served as Colombia’s Inspector General from 2009 to 2016 and challenged efforts to legalize same-sex marriage and recommendations on how to discuss LGBTQ+ issues in the schools. TF praised Ordóñez for his efforts to dismantle Colombia’s Anti-Discrimination Law, which punishes racial, religious, or sexual-orientation-based discrimination with imprisonment. Ordóñez petitioned the Constitutional Court to overturn the law, arguing it violated the free speech and religious rights of those accused of discrimination.

Under Alfredo Devia’s leadership, Tercera Fuerza was extremely active in Bogotá, engaging in frequent verbal and physical attacks against LGBTQ+ individuals, racial minorities, sex workers, and trans women. Weekly, the group gathered dozens of young militants who patrolled downtown streets, violently targeting anyone they deemed inferior — using derogatory terms like “whores,” “trannies,” and “f**s.” They would also attack anti-fascist groups. Members of Tercera Fuerza were frequently spotted participating in marches against same-sex marriage, in favor of expanding military legal privileges, and against abortion rights, waving blue pro-life scarves. Tercera Fuerza drew national attention in 2011, when they held a private event in a Bogotá hotel to celebrate Adolf Hitler’s birthday that received police protection. Again in 2018 there was an uproar when they announced another celebration of Hitler’s birthday in Medellín. On a now defunct website, the group praised Hitler and National Socialism and supported a program for “eugenics and racial preservation” of Colombia’s European-descended population.

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